) - Russian revolutionary, leader of the Provisional Government, Menshevik.
| Kuzma Antonovich Gvozdev | |
|---|---|
| Date of Birth | |
| Place of Birth |
|
| Date of death | June 26(1956-06-26 ) |
| Citizenship | |
| Occupation | politician |
Biography
From peasants. Since 1899 he worked in the Tikhoretsky railway workshops. During the Revolution of 1905, he joined a revolutionary circle, led a strike of railway workers, was arrested and spent two years in Saratov prison. Member of the AKP (socialist-revolutionary maximalist) from 1905 to 1907, then joined the RSDLP. He was convicted by the Saratov Judicial Chamber and exiled to the Astrakhan province for four years. Since 1909, he worked at factories in St. Petersburg and took part in the creation of the Union of Metalworkers. In 1910-1911, chairman of the board of metalworkers' trade unions in St. Petersburg. In 1911 he was arrested and exiled to the Vologda province for three years. Since 1914, he was a Menshevik “defense activist” and worked as a mechanic at the Petrograd factories. In 1915 - Chairman of the working group of the Central Military-Industrial Committee. Participated in the creation of the Vyborg workers' cooperative.
On the night of January 28, 1917, together with other members of the working group, he was arrested for calling on workers to go out into the streets with a call to overthrow the autocracy; he was imprisoned in Kresty. During the February Revolution he was released. He took part in the organization of the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. At the first meeting, he was elected to the executive committee as a member of the presidium, head of the labor department and secretariat. Member of the Central Committee of the RSDLP(M). Participated in resolving conflicts between workers and enterprise owners. Since September 25, 1917 - Minister of Labor in the Provisional Government.
During the October Revolution he was arrested along with other members of the Provisional Government. Released after 3 days. From October 1917 to the end of 1918, deputy chairman of the workers' cooperatives of Petrograd and the surrounding area. In the spring and summer of 1918 he participated in the creation of the anti-Bolshevik Assembly of Representatives from Factories and Plants. Then, having retired from political activities, he worked in workers' cooperatives, and from 1920 in the Supreme Economic Council. Since 1919 - non-party member.
In 1920, he was arrested by the Cheka and spent 1 month in prison. He worked in the Union of Metalworkers, authorized for Ukraine, then at the Central Section in the south (until June 1920). He worked at the All-Russian Central Council of Trade Unions in the department of scientific organization of labor until October 1920, head of the Central Bureau of Labor Standards in the People's Commissariat of Trade Unions until February 1921, deputy chairman of the board of the Supreme Economic Council. In 1930, he was the head of the planning and economic part of the reconstruction sector of the Steam Locomotive-Wagon-Diesel Association.
On December 12, 1930 he was arrested. On April 25, 1931, the OGPU Collegium under Art. 58-7, 10, 11 of the Criminal Code, he was sentenced to 10 years in prison. He served his term in the Oryol political isolation ward in solitary confinement. Studied in prison
, Penza province - June 26) - Russian revolutionary, figure in the Provisional Government, Menshevik.
Biography
From peasants. Since 1899 he worked in the Tikhoretsky railway workshops. During the Revolution of 1905, he joined a revolutionary circle, led a strike of railway workers, was arrested and spent two years in Saratov prison. Member of the AKP (socialist-revolutionary maximalist) from 1905 to 1907, then joined the RSDLP. He was convicted by the Saratov Judicial Chamber and exiled to the Astrakhan province for four years. Since 1909, he worked at factories in St. Petersburg and took part in the creation of the Union of Metalworkers. In 1910-1911, chairman of the board of metalworkers' trade unions in St. Petersburg. In 1911 he was arrested and exiled to the Vologda province for three years. Since 1914, he was a Menshevik “defense activist” and worked as a mechanic at the Petrograd factories. In 1915 - Chairman of the working group of the Central Military-Industrial Committee. Participated in the creation of the Vyborg workers' cooperative.
On the night of January 28, 1917, together with other members of the working group, he was arrested for calling on workers to go out into the streets with a call to overthrow the autocracy; he was imprisoned in Kresty. During the February Revolution he was released. Took part in the organization of the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. At the first meeting, he was elected to the executive committee as a member of the presidium, head of the labor department and secretariat. Member of the Central Committee of the RSDLP(M). Participated in resolving conflicts between workers and enterprise owners. Since September 25, 1917 - Minister of Labor in the Provisional Government.
During the October Revolution he was arrested along with other members of the Provisional Government. Released after 3 days. From October 1917 to the end of 1918, deputy chairman of the workers' cooperatives of Petrograd and the surrounding area. In the spring and summer of 1918 he participated in the creation of the anti-Bolshevik Assembly of Representatives from Factories and Plants. Then, having retired from political activities, he worked in workers' cooperatives, and from 1920 in the Supreme Economic Council. Since 1919 - non-party member.
In 1920, he was arrested by the Cheka and spent 1 month in prison. He worked in the Union of Metalworkers, authorized for Ukraine, then at the Central Section in the south (until June 1920). He worked at the All-Russian Central Council of Trade Unions in the department of scientific organization of labor until October 1920, head of the Central Bureau of Labor Standards in the People's Commissariat of Trade Unions until February 1921, deputy chairman of the board of the Supreme Economic Council. In 1930, he was the head of the planning and economic part of the reconstruction sector of the Steam Locomotive-Wagon-Diesel Association.
On December 12, 1930 he was arrested. On April 25, 1931, the OGPU Collegium under Art. 58-7, 10, 11 of the Criminal Code, he was sentenced to 10 years in prison. He served his term in the Orlovsky political isolation ward in solitary confinement. He studied Marxism-Leninism in prison, and, according to him, became a supporter
6
They say correctly: prison and money will give you the mind. They will give you whatever you want. Previously, Kozma got caught for trifles and was immediately released. And now they have presented Article 102 of the Criminal Code: a criminal organization aimed at overthrowing...
Like the entire Working Group, Kozma Gvozdev was arrested on January 27 - but it struck him with pneumonia, and they gave him three weeks to rest at home, only for five days they took him to prison. And the guys have already been here for a month.
It’s much easier to lie at home - and the news flows in, and you read the newspapers, and you can send and receive a letter, and Kozma knew how the whole working class Petersburg was agitated by the arrest of their Group, and Guchkov was fussing menacingly. There was a noise in their spade, and there was no pressure that now they should sit for a long time, no serious punishment should have fallen on anyone: everything in the country floated like drunkenness, and even the murderers were not arrested - although ours - it’s always easier for a brother to be imprisoned, but for exalted ones - no... But since the arrest of the Group, Kozma’s back has been broken, as if he’s been beaten all over with sticks: did he do the wrong thing? or wrong? This means that I couldn’t manage to pull all the ends together and didn’t strengthen them as needed. How was it to make it from the beginning? The Bolsheviks shouted: strike breakers! traitors! And big newspapers wrote: “they are real patriots,” and so they slandered the Bolsheviks. But to declare ourselves: no, we are not patriots! we are revolutionaries! - You still won’t justify yourself before the Bolsheviks, but you’ll be a traitor before the government, and then they’ll disperse you.
So are patriots.
Kuzma Gvozdev, head of the Working Group, Minister of Labor of one of the Provisional Government
It’s a shame, this situation: you can’t justify yourself in any way, even if you don’t do the work at all.
During these months, Tsereteli himself honored Kozma with two letters from exile. And tell me: he’s been in Siberia for how many years, but he understands the matter better than many people from St. Petersburg. Yes, Irakli Georgievich, Kozma wrote to him, this is how I seek and achieve: in addition to the needs of the working class, there are also the needs of industry itself, not to stop it with our struggle. And there are the needs of a warring country and army. And all this must be able to flow through one channel at once. And in Europe they somehow know how, but why not us? Yes, the military defeat of Russia will respond to whom first of all? - on us, the workers. Fight and fight as a class, but not in the same way as to stop the war.
Well, pop the guns with whatever you want? And cover ours in the trenches - wouldn’t it be a pity?...
But the French Minister of Labor arrived in December, and although it was dark in his chest, it was dark in his head, Kozma reprimanded his quick advisers: “Through you, let the proletariat and democracy of France and the entire civilized world know how the Russian government, with its own hands, is destroying the defenses and seeking to destroy its country.” . Given the opportunity, it will not think of committing another perjury, betraying its allies.” German peace proposals were announced in December, and the secretaries made a speech: “to achieve control of the proletariat over the actions of diplomacy!” And other members of the group, two dozen, succumbing to someone else's mind, speaking here and there - they didn't say anything. It’s still surprising that the government tolerated it for so long. Since December, the group has already been squeezed in like this: it’s not the Bolsheviks who will burst in to destroy, but the police, and they’ll send everyone to Siberia. On January 3, Guchkov received a letter from the Military District: “The Working Group is an anti-government community discussing the overthrow of the government and the conclusion of peace. Therefore, a specially appointed official must be present at each meeting of the Group.” Just! During such a war, the government has such a right, and the only hindrance will be leaflets. So Boris Osipych Bogdanov, now the chief secretary of the Group, insisted: “Don’t allow such a mockery of freedom!” The following days an official appeared - they canceled the meeting and gathered quietly. Then the Duma session was approaching - and Bogdanov pressed: democracy must intervene in the protracted battle between the census society and the autocracy! it's time to strike! And so he explained it both ways: if you continue to patiently restrain yourself, it means missing the fatal moment of the unprecedented prestige of royal power; and if you call the workers of Petrograd onto the street, but at the wrong moment, this call could become fatal for the Working Group. But sacrifices are only a crime when they are unnecessary for the revolutionary cause. The most preferable thing is a petition movement, but with revolutionary slogans.
And all this was now carried out not in the meetings of the Group between its members, but hidden, and the agitators were secretly sent to the factories to prepare a speech for the convening of the Duma. And then - they detained several members of the Moscow group (and Pumpyansky was caught there), searched the irreconcilable Samara group - and Bogdanov began to rush about: the moment of struggle has come, it cannot be missed! And he brought - “A letter to the workers of all factories and factories in Petrograd.” De - gather meetings, read and discuss. Taking advantage of wartime, the government enslaves the working class. It is the people themselves who must eliminate the war, not the autocracy. The most urgent task of the moment is the establishment of a provisional government! Democracy can no longer wait and remain silent! Now we have grown up, and we will not go there and in the same way as 12 years ago to the Winter Palace - we will go with imperious demands, and let there not be a single traitor among us who would hide home from the common cause!
Passion Kozma didn’t want to let this happen, but he couldn’t stop it either. Why would the Working Group remain silent, if even the rioters in the bar reviled the autocracy worse than anything else? And they didn’t touch anyone!
Against the heart, from the last, he issued an appeal.
And for another two weeks after that the Working Group was not arrested.
The rioters were not touched, but the working animals were still captured.
Who is allowed what?
And Acetylene-Gas escaped and was not caught.
And whoever pestered the Working Group for betrayal. But they all remained free, and the Working Group was imprisoned.
Prison and money will give you the mind.
It’s a shame that Sashka Shlyapnikov, I suppose, reigns supreme: here, they say, lackeys - you served, served, and ended up in prison for your service. And I’m always in defiance - and free.
Only Alexander Ivanovich Guchkov defended them: following the arrest, he immediately gathered prominent Duma members, printed a statement that this was a heavy blow to national defense, extinguished the faith of the masses in the fruitfulness of common work and would only increase ferment in the working environment. Yes, Konovalov spoke in the Duma itself that the Working Group was patriotic, served the defense and pacification of political passions; that the Working Group was a bulwark against other dangerous trends in the working masses, and the government senselessly destroyed it; There was no way the workers could not interfere in politics at all, when everyone else was interfering, and the government was directly leading the country to destruction.
Kozma and his fellow traders in Kresty were sure that Protopopov himself was already frightened by arresting them, that the government would not stand it, they would not have to sit for long.
What made Kozma angry was not the fact that they wouldn’t let him out of prison, but how he lived in freedom under persecution. And how he failed to handle the matter.
There is no simplicity or straight path in life, but everything is twisted and everyone’s heads are twisted. And there is a balance between them.
And the Guchkov Committee is also dark water. They seemed to stand for the fatherland, but they didn’t miss out on their money anywhere, they even increased it greatly. For the fatherland - yes, but they also wanted to seize power in that fatherland themselves, that’s true.
Already from under house arrest, giving up, Kozma handed over and convinced: there is no need for a general strike before the opening of the Duma. And - everything to the machines. The longer we strike, we weaken our own strength. Our interests call us to machines.
Kozma led as best he could. I shot myself. I kept missing something, doing something wrong, making mistakes, and everyone was unhappy. And when they were imprisoned, worries were taken off their shoulders. Now rest on the prison bunks.
There was no rest, it was scratching. Liberation did not attract either: to go to the office on Liteiny again, and again the same mess.
While they were being admitted to the prison, Kozma also touched the criminals. And everything overturned, like there is no Tsar, no Duma, no Social Democrats - but now your favorite boots with patent leather tops will stick, don’t put them on the floor, but watch and they won’t take them off your feet. Kozma lived for four decades in the exploding layer, below which it seems as if he could not exist. But, you found out, there are people lower than you: dark, violent, from whom take care of even the most modest property, but be careful that they don’t knock you down in a revolutionary way. In the wild, such people live separately, in a village, in a settlement - one or two, a horse thief or a famous thief, a swindler, a mop, sometimes they gather in gangs, but no one sees them together in gangs, but in prison they are gathered together. Look: but if these guys move their shoulders together, what will happen?
And they took Gvozdev into a hospital cell, and then he found two of his own - Komarov from Obukhovsky and Kuzmin from Trubochnoye. It's a pity not with Bogdanov. Until they were sent out alone - they occupied three beds next to each other - and now they talked a lot.
In a stone bag - but the thought is free.
They reinterpreted all the workers' group affairs - and didn't come up with a damn thing: how could they have been right?
And still alive, who knows where, Ushakov is ours, a worker. They pecked him. He also said: why should we overthrow the king? A worker cannot be in power because he is uneducated. And the gentlemen intellectuals will seize power. So it’s better to let the king call the elected representatives of the people and consult with them. Seems true, huh?...
But there was also Zubatov, they now remembered with the guys. Zubatov was also cursed by the Social Democrats: and so that he would not be remembered as anything other than the devil. And he, from large police posts, said the same thing to the workers: why do you need a constitution? Why do you need political freedoms? - all this is needed only by your enemy, the bourgeoisie, in order to strengthen itself, both against the authorities and against you. But you need an 8-hour working day and increased wages - so the autocracy will get you even better from the factory owners, you are his faithful sons, the government will support you, and the bourgeoisie is the one who rebels against the state.
Or maybe it’s true?
And at one time, when the three of them were still in their foolish youth, they say, the Zubatovites took complete control in Moscow, and the Social Democrats were beaten.
But for some reason it didn’t work out.
The worker's only hope is his brother, the worker, that's right.
If there is a revolution, then there is no way to do without educated people. How can the country be governed without them? After all, which craft affected whom? Leading the state is a special custom.
But trust the educated - they immediately confuse you.
The Working Group is spinning and confused - and the entire working community - and even Mother Rus' - and there are no ends.
It was already late, and I couldn’t sleep, so we slept here.
Kozma stretched out on his bed, with his arms and legs at all four corners, his hair was loosely tangled, his whiskers were slightly tingling on his upper lip, he hadn’t shaved them during this month of house arrest, and he looked and looked at the vault of the ceiling. Whitish-gray, smooth, and where there is a chip, where there is a spot - you look at each as if it were something important, you float under it like under the sky.
Ah, in that shavings, in the equipped...
And they brought their boys nearby:
Forty-two brave rowers are sitting.
How is it with the songs? About something completely different, but about yours too:
Like one of them, a good fellow,
I became thoughtful and sad.
They also began to pull from the other wall - everyone knows what we have in common:
Eh, you are my brothers, you are comrades!
Do you serve me faithfully...
And the only thing left to ask from the whole world is to exhale:
Throw me into the Mother Volga,
Drown my sadness and melancholy in it...
So they sang a little, all drawn-out, all sad, - the heart was anointed, it calmed down.
And so, without untangling my hair, into my pillow friend - take me away for the night, and away!
From peasants. From 1899 he worked at the Tikhoretsky railways. workshops. For the roar. activities was repeatedly arrested (for the first time in 1902) and exiled. In 1903-07 he joined the Social Revolutionaries. From 1909 he worked at the factories of St. Petersburg, took part in the creation of the Union of Metalworkers, and was its leader. Since 1914, the Menshevik has been a “defencist”. In 1915 he joined the working group of the Military-Industrial Committee as its chairman, one of the initiators and promoters of the policy of civil peace between workers and the bourgeoisie (the movement of defencist-minded workers was called “Gvozdyovshchina”, “Gvozdyovtsy”). Participated in the creation of the Vyborg workers' cooperative during the food crisis in the fall of 1915.
On the night of January 28, 1917, he was arrested along with the entire group, released by the insurgent people on February 27, and on the same day Gvozdev was elected to the temporary executive committee of the Council of the Republic of Dagestan, which convened the Petrograd Council. Since April 13, member of the bureau of the executive committee of the Petrograd Council of the RSD. Since May 5, Comrade Minister of Labor. Participated in the development of bills proposed by the Ministry of Labor: on reconciliation, chambers, arbitration courts, on state. control over industry, on the labor exchange, on the regulation of unemployment and assistance to the unemployed, on the introduction of 8-hours. working day, employment contracts, revision of laws on female and child labor. Prevented a conflict between the Center. Council of Elders of St. Petersburg employees. prom. enterprises with the Association of Factory Owners and Breeders, which threatened a strike of approx. 120 prom. pr-tiy: an agreement with the active participation of Gvozdev was reached on May 23. Thanks to the mediation of Gvozdev, on June 27-30 the strike of workers at the Sormovsky plant was stopped: in July he helped end the conflict at the Putilovsky plant. A principled supporter of resolving labor conflicts with the help of arbitration courts, conciliators, chambers, etc. forms On Sept. headed the commission of the government for the consideration of economics. requirements of the Union of Railway Workers. 19 Sep. At the meeting of the Time, the government insisted on the allocation of 1 billion rubles. railway workers. 25 Sep. assigned min. labor. Oct 24 at a meeting of the Pre-Parliament he declared that the working class would not participate in the uprising.
On October 25, he was arrested in the Winter Palace along with other members of the Provisional Government and taken to the Peter and Paul Fortress, soon released. On November 14, he resigned from the Central Committee of the RSDLP(o), not agreeing with the inclusion of the Bolsheviks in the “homogeneous government”. He was a member of the underground Provisional Government and participated in its meetings. On November 17, among others, he signed the appeal “To all citizens of the Russian Republic!” On November 19, the Military Revolutionary Committee gave an order for the arrest of members of the Temporary. government that signed this appeal, and sending them to Kronstadt under the supervision of the executive committee of the RSD Council.
In the spring and summer of 1918 he participated in the creation of the anti-Bolshevik Assembly of Representatives from Factories and Factories. Then, having retired from political activities, he worked in cooperation. Since 1920 he worked at the Supreme Economic Council. On April 25, 1931, the OGPU board sentenced him to 10 years in prison. July 1, 1941 By a special meeting of the NKVD of the USSR - by 8 years. Released on April 20, 1956. Further fate is unknown. Rehabilitated in 1989.